As countries mark World Refugee Day on 20 June, antagonism towards foreigners globally is at an all-time high. In South Africa, World Refugee Day falls 10 days before the 30 June deadline set by the anti-migrant movement ‘March and March’ for ‘undocumented’ foreign nationals to leave the country, and businesses to terminate their employment.
Since April, anti-migrant protests have erupted countrywide, resulting in migrant deaths, property destruction and displacement. None of this is new to South Africa. Since 2008, hostilities against African migrants have erupted in multiple waves of violence that the government has dismissed as isolated incidents rather than a systemic social problem.
Anti-migrant sentiment, past and present, is fuelled by narratives that misrepresent the facts. Language referring to ‘illegals’, ‘illegal aliens’, ‘illegal migrants’, ‘undocumented migrants’ and ‘illegal foreigners’ is used to stoke fear of, and violence against, African foreigners.
A person cannot be illegal; actions can. Migration laws classify unauthorised entry or visa overstaying as criminal offences. In the same vein, migration in South Africa is not a crisis – it is a normal human pattern for a country sharing borders with six others. Framing migration as a crisis suggests extraordinary responses are needed, rather than robust, sensible management and better governance.
President Cyril Ramaphosa recently acknowledged concerns about ‘migration and illegal migration’ and committed to five actions: cracking down on the violation of immigration and labour laws; preventing irregular entry; stamping out corruption in the immigration system; strengthening immigration laws and policies; and improving migration coordination with other African countries.
Mr Ramaphosa called for the recognition that ‘illegal immigration is not the cause of all our economic challenges.’ But more consistent, comprehensive and honest messaging is needed to persuade South Africans of this fact. Institute for Security Studies (ISS) research shows that anti-migrant sentiment is fuelled by perceptions that foreigners exacerbate unemployment and inequality, strain housing, health and education services, and disproportionately commit crime.
Risks to the country’s reputation, diplomatic relationships and business interests from the government’s continuing mismanagement of anti-migrant violence are significant. In 2024, South Africa’s intra-African trade totalled $42 billion, and its businesses across the continent have faced backlash. Several governments and the African Union have condemned the marches, issued travel warnings and launched repatriation programmes for their citizens.
March and March claims that illegal immigrants number 15 million-30 million, and that South Africans are becoming refugees in their own country. Statistics South Africa’s 2023 survey showed there were 3.1 million immigrants in the country (5.1 per cent of the population), including all documentation statuses.
The United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, using a different methodology, said migrants peaked at 3.2 million in 2015 (5.6 per cent of the population), and that migrant density (percentage of foreigners of total population) after that was lower than the 3.6 per cent global average, 15.9 per cent in North America and 12.7 per cent in Europe.
The 2025 Human Sciences Research Council’s Social Attitudes Survey showed that South Africans were more hostile towards immigrants than ever. Only 15 per cent of adults said they would welcome all foreigners; 42 per cent would ‘welcome no immigrants.’ Attitudes have hardened, especially among poorer and working-class adults in the provinces of Mpumalanga, Gauteng, Limpopo and KwaZulu-Natal.
Afrobarometer in 2025 revealed that seven out of 10 South Africans (69 per cent) perceived immigrants’ economic impact as negative, despite evidence showing each immigrant worker creates roughly two jobs for citizens.
Most (85 per cent) polled by Afrobarometer favoured reducing or eliminating refugee entry. Many don’t distinguish between refugees and migrants, and believe the country hosts a disproportionate number of refugees and asylum seekers. South Africa is home to about 75,000 refugees and 165,000 asylum seekers. These numbers peaked in 2015 and have been declining since. By comparison, Uganda hosts two million refugees.
March and March claims to only target migrants without legal rights to be in the country, but violence is reportedly meted out indiscriminately.
For years, the ISS has provided analysis showing that the public and government overstate the number of asylum seekers in South Africa and their role in overburdening the Department of Home Affairs. Home Affairs has been found to inhibit access to asylum on the presumption that ‘many’ asylum seekers lodge fraudulent claims to regularise their stay.
Many judges have handed down scathing rulings against the department for illegal conduct such as the unlawful, multi-year closure of Refugee Reception Offices, and corruption, along with maladministration. In 2019, Amnesty International found the asylum system had an unreasonably high (96 per cent) rejection rate, forcing some applicants to wait up to 19 years for a decision. As of May 2026, 161 000 asylum seekers were appealing rejections.
Weak institutions, not migrants themselves, are at the core of South Africa’s migration challenges. In February, the Special Investigating Unit found that ‘the immigration system has been treated as a marketplace,’ where permits and visas were sold through corrupt officials and other external actors.
Mr Ramaphosa correctly identified systemic corruption and maladministration as areas for attention. Of the areas he highlighted for action, improving Home Affairs’ application of laws and policies would be fairly quick and affordable. But better administrative management is unlikely to quell public unhappiness. Protesters want large police raids and buses full of migrants returning home. But while these enforcement measures look dramatic, they change little.
The ‘illegal migrant’ rhetoric has become a fixture in party political campaigns and will likely amplify as November’s local elections approach. The ISS has warned of the dangers of politicians and public officials scapegoating foreigners for government failures. Elections create incentives for politicians to project images of strength and control, while staying silent or benefitting from anti-migrant behaviours.
Equally important are questions about who finances and coordinates anti-migrant mobilisation. The scale and sophistication suggest these demonstrations are not spontaneous expressions of public frustration. Organised transport, digital campaigns, branded materials and coordinated messaging require resources.
In the short term, the government must improve administrative capacity and stop corruption in its own systems, reject violence against foreigners by arresting and prosecuting those attacking migrants, and launch a communication campaign to reverse dangerous and false narratives.
In the long term, it should coordinate with other African countries to address migration pressures and responses, implement its National Action Plan to Combat Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, and reform immigration and labour laws and their enforcement to reflect current realities.
Aimée-Noël Mbiyozo is a Senior Research Consultant on migration at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS).
(This article was first published by ISS Today, a Premium Times syndication partner. We have their permission to republish).